By Sheridan Mahavera
KUALA LUMPUR, JAN 12 — The battle might be between the Roman Catholic Church and the government over the right to use “Allah” but the ones most affected are those in Sabah and Sarawak.
As Sabah leader Tan Sri Bernard Dompok pointed out, they worship in Bahasa Malaysia as its the national language and Bibles are in that language because it is not feasible to print or translate it to their various dialects.
More importantly, “Allah” is their word for God, the same as for the Malays, who borrowed it from the Arabs.
Semantics aside, the people in Borneo do not see the fuss or problem over the name of God.
The Muslims in Sarawak, Jack (who asked that only his first name be used) reasoned, were not just tolerant of other faiths. They have accepted non-Muslims as a daily fact of life the same way parents accept that their children have different personalities.
A government servant, he had earlier said he hoped the spate of attacks against churches in the peninsula would not spill over into Sarawak.
Though he was upset over the broken windows of the Anglican Good Shepherd Church in Lutong, Miri, Jack’s faith in Sarawak’s Muslims has not been shaken.
“I hugely believe that this is an isolated case, and most Sarawakian Muslims and also Sarawakians are surprised that such an incident could happen at all in Sarawak,” said Jack. Many of the people interviewed for this article asked that their names be changed due to the volatility of the topic.
It is this renowned bond between the non-Muslims and Muslims of Sarawak and Sabah that has often been held up by peninsula politicians as the ultimate model of race-relations.
Yet while these politicians speak highly of East Malaysia’s ethnic unity, they seldom make any serious attempt to get peninsular Malaysians to emulate it.
Conversely, says Sabahans and Sarawakians interviewed by The Malaysian Insider, the insular race, religion and language politics of the peninsula have often been imported and forced upon East Malaysians for as long as the states have been part of the federation.
And this is what unsettles them when it comes to the turmoil about who gets to use “Allah”: that again, the peninsula-centric Federal government is telling them to change an elemental aspect of their lives that has never before been a problem.
In other words, says a Sabah Government officer, it was never a problem until the “Semenanjung” people made it a problem.
NO FURORE HERE
When his friends greet him with the salaam, Mujahid, 20, is never confused as to whether the person is a Muslim or not. Nor does it matter to him.
Neither does he or the Sarawakian Muslims he knows think to ask why Christians in the state use “Allah” in their prayers or sermons.
“It is very condescending to me when someone tells me that I will be confused when non-Muslims use ‘Allah’ because my faith (in Islam) is not weak … Me and my family are extremely disappointed by the uproar and all these attacks on churches,” says Mujahid, a university student.
Sarawakians and Sabahans are saddened by how an age-old community norm of theirs has suddenly turned into a fractious issue by those who do not understand the history of the practice.
Dayak community leader Dr John Brian Anthony explains how when Christianity was being propagated to the East Malaysian natives roughly 100 years ago, the texts that were used were imported from Indonesia.
These texts used the term Allah and were in Bahasa Indonesia, which was similar to the Melayu Kuno used by the natives.
“My elders and me use the same text till today because that is the language we know. If someone tells me that my language is wrong, then I say ‘Why?’ Is it about Aqidah (faith) or is it about form?”
The Home Ministry banned the use of Allah in The Herald’s Bahasa Malaysia section. Yet it is this version which is widely read by Catholics and other Christians in East Malaysia.
When the High Court overturned the ban in Dec 31 last year, it caused an uproar among peninsula-based Muslim groups.
However, Anthony says, East Malaysian Muslims have never opposed the use of “Allah” by Christians and other non-Muslims.
Political scientist Dr Faisal Syam Hazis of Universiti Malaysia Sarawak (Unimas) puts it another way: “The use of Allah by non-Muslims has already been embedded in East Malaysian society for more than 100 years. It has never been an issue. So why are these peninsular Muslims suddenly jumping up and down over it?”
CONFUSION
For Dr Zaini Othman of Universiti Malaysia Sabah, the “confusion” that is being felt by the Muslims he meets in the state is why the issue is being raised now.
“Based on my daily experience with Sabahans, this is what they are asking. They feel that there is a hidden political agenda behind it.”
Though the Federal government has been at pains to stress that the issue is not about political mileage, Kuching-based blogger Norman Goh doubts that the violence it has spurred is being tackled seriously.
“First you allow the protests (by Muslim groups). Then when the attacks happen, you say [you] ‘might’ use the ISA (Internal Security Act). When Hindraf, Bersih and Bar Council rallies occurred, you did not hesitate to use the ISA,” says Goh, 23.
Faisal’s colleague, Dr Andrew Aeria, was unequivocal in his reading of the debacle.
“The view here is that Umno has fanned all of this. They seek to impose their racist imaginings on the rest of Malaysia without realising that Malaysia also contains Sarawak and Sabah.”
What Aeria is referring to is the fluid, non-communal approach to ethnic relations in East Malaysia, where groups do not seek to impose their norms or beliefs onto others.
It is helped by the fact that in the historical memory and the demographics of these two states, no group has been dominant.
The ethnic demarcations are also not enforced by politics, says Aeria, where political parties are not formed just to serve one group.
“Some parties have many members of one group but they are intrinsically multi-racial. This is where you see parties like SUPP (Sarawak United People’s Party) that looks like a Chinese party but it fields Bumiputera candidates.”
PENINSULA ‘RACIST’?
Unimas’ Aeria and Faisal also dispute the views of a Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM) race-relations expert who contended that for Sarawak Muslims, religion was not as important as tribal identity.
In a previous The Malaysian Insider article, Prof Dr Mansor Mohd Noor of UKM Inter-ethnic Studies Institute gave an opinion that peninsular Muslims were less tolerant when it came to questions on Islam than their Sarawak and Sabah brethren.
“For Muslims in East Malaysia, the use of ‘Allah’ by non-Muslims is not a problem because their identity is tied to a tribe rather than to a religion,” Mansor has said in the article titled “Allah unites some and divides others”.
“Saying that is almost like saying we Sarawak Muslims are less Islamic than the ones in the peninsula just because we can tolerate Christians using ‘Allah’,” says Faisal.
East Malaysians of all creeds are passionate about their faith and identity but they were more accepting of each other, says Aeria.
“If you are saying that peninsular Muslims cannot be as tolerant as the ones in East Malaysia, are you saying that peninsular Muslims want to remain racist? What is wrong with emulating East Malaysian tolerance?”
Conversely, since the debate over whether to allow non-Muslims to use “Allah” is currently being determined in the peninsula, it seems that West Malaysians have no problems imposing their beliefs on East Malaysians.
And that, says those interviewed, would be very unfortunate for Sarawak and Sabah.
First published Jan 12, 2010 The Malaysian Insider http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/index.php/malaysia/49330-dont-tell-us-how-to-pray-borneo-states-say-
Tuesday, February 23, 2010
‘Allah’ unites some, divides others
By Sheridan Mahavera
Kuala Lumpur, Jan 11 — While the despair Christians feel over the events on Friday and later over the weekend is palpable, so is the bitterness by Muslims that things have come to such a head on something they never imagined would be contested.
The official line is that the government is going after the arsonists in the attacks on churches that began Jan 8. That Barisan Nasional (BN), especially Umno, did not direct, plan or had any knowledge of the attacks.
Most importantly, Umno leaders stress that they did not incite Muslims organisations to hold demonstrations against the use of Allah by non-Muslims.
The popular and not entirely unsubstantiated view among non-Muslims and some Muslims varies between Umno creating the issue in the first place (an Umno minister had banned the Herald from using Allah in its Bahasa Malaysia section), to inciting the protests, to the party not doing enough to calm things down and thus preventing the church attacks.
It is not that absurd a view if one studies the background of the groups who protested and the events leading up to it.
This is what had BN leaders such as Ministers in the Prime Minister's Department Datuk Seri Idris Jala and Tan Sri Dr Koh Tsu Koon visiting Christian groups and meeting pastors.
Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak has also visited and pledged RM500,000 in aid for the partially gutted Metro Tabernacle church in Desa Melawati, Kuala Lumpur.
Najib and other ministers visit the Metro Tabernacle in Desa Melawati which was the target of arsonists.
But in the perception-rules reality of Malaysian politics, BN still stands to lose much support from the urban electorate, say non-Muslims interviewed.
Yet what has not been considered is how far this issue has rankled ordinary Muslims — the thousands who did not join the protests but who put their names on petitions and joined web groups fighting for the same thing as the demonstrators.
Or the fact that the demonstrations included groups that do not traditionally support Umno.
In other words, if Umno and BN lose the support of Christians and non-Muslims, can parties who allow Allah to be used by non-Muslims, such as Parti Keadilan Rakyat and PAS, lose the support of Muslims?
Beyond these questions of political gain and loss, however, is how this issue, according to an academic, has cut deep to the elemental foundations of Malaysian society.
Church volunteer R. Williams (not his real name) started fearing the worst when he read on Thursday Najib saying that the government did not have the power to stop demonstrations against the use of Allah by non-Muslims.
“This was like a green light,” he says, adding that the next day, he almost came to tears when the three churches were torched.
“Then the next day he goes and says he will catch the culprits. What am I supposed to believe?”
Williams is not suggesting that Najib gave his approval for the protests, which took place at several mosques after Friday prayers, or that the Umno president condoned the church attacks.
What he and a Barisan Nasional Indian activist meant was that many believe the BN federal administration practised double standards when it came to the demonstrations.
"When it was Hindraf (in 2007), the government said ‘protests are not our culture.’ When people protested against the fall of the Perak government in early 2009, they said the same thing.
"But when it came to these (the Friday) demos, ‘Government has no power to stop...’ Why play different music?” says the BN activist who declined to reveal his name for fear of reprisal.
Almost all non-Muslims and some Muslims interviewed requested anonymity or a change of name for fear of their personal security.
The Indian activist claims that among non-Muslim BN supporters, the feeling is that the coalition will be punished at the ballot box.
“BN’s survival rests on Sabah and Sarawak, and now we are going to lose in those two states,” says the activist.
A Malay-Muslim government officer described the violence and anger by his fellow Muslims as “stupid and ridiculous.”
“Nik Aziz (Kelantan Menteri Besar Datuk Nik Abdul Nik Mat) himself explained that Allah is not exclusive to Islam. This issue has been played up for political mileage.”
Other non-Muslim BN activists, however, disagree, saying that it should be seen for what it is, a religious issue that cuts at the heart of Muslims.
“The term should just have been reserved for Muslims and Islam. Everyone knows that it’s sacred to them so why challenge it?” asks Kota Baru MCA division chief Tan Ken Ten.
St Francis Xavier parish priest Father Simon Yong (left) welcomes PAS spiritual adviser Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat when he visited the Petaling Jaya church yesterday.
Johor Baru MCA division official Michael Tay also does not buy the argument that Umno should be blamed for all that happened.
“If Umno spent so much time building up unity through 1 Malaysia and convincing people about it, do you think they would just destroy all of that work?
“Fanatics are hard to deal with for anyone. You can’t just tell them not to demonstrate because they get pent up and explode,” says Tay, who is deputy chairman of the division’s complaints bureau.
“At the end of it, we must respect Islam because this is the religion of the majority.”
Professor Dr Mansor Mohd Noor of Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia says that Peninsular Malaysia’s Malay-Muslim majority and the centrality of religion in the community is largely why the debate is so explosive.
His research for UKM’s Inter-ethnic Studies Institute shows that different Malaysian ethnic groups have different “ethnic parameters” that form the crux of their identity. And when these parameters are crossed, it sets these groups off and emotions usually trump rationality.
For Chinese Malaysians, the parameter is Mandarin. For the Indians and Malays, it is always religion. For the indigenes of Sarawak and Sabah, it is tribal identity, says Mansor.
“For Muslims in East Malaysia, the use of Allah by non-Muslims is not a problem because their identity is tied to a tribe rather than to a religion.”
In the peninsula, a Muslim is almost always automatically marked as Malay while in East Malaysia, explains Mansor, a Muslim can either be an Iban, a Kadazandusun, a Melanau or from another tribe.
“So you cannot expect a peninsula Muslim to be as tolerant as an East Malaysian Muslim when it comes to questioning aspects of Islam.
“This is why the use of Allah in Christian sermons and activities in East Malaysia is tolerated all this while by local Muslims. But when the issue comes to the peninsula, peninsula Muslims explode.”
Mansor believes for the peninsula Muslims, the political party that is seen as supposedly defending this core identity is the one that will gain their support.
Shah Alam Pas MP Khalid Samad is aware of the political risks in the party’s stand to allow non-Muslims to use Allah.
At a protest at the Selangor State mosque in his own constituency, a group of men walked all over his picture and urged him to change his stand over the issue.
The mosque committee had even set up tables at four places where Muslims could sign a petition against non-Muslims using Allah. There were constant queues at all the tables before and after prayers.
“There is a difference in understanding among Muslims. We are interested in the textual proof in the Quran and the traditions of the Prophet. It is quite clear. Unfortunately many Muslims in Malaysia are still ignorant and kept that way by the government.
“So it is for PAS to explain this. At the same time, you cannot judge a whole community just by the actions of a few.
“Yes, they seemed many (at the demonstrations) but realise also that there are many Muslims in PAS and PKR who agree with us.” said Khalid
First published: The Malaysian Insider Jan 11, 2010
Kuala Lumpur, Jan 11 — While the despair Christians feel over the events on Friday and later over the weekend is palpable, so is the bitterness by Muslims that things have come to such a head on something they never imagined would be contested.
The official line is that the government is going after the arsonists in the attacks on churches that began Jan 8. That Barisan Nasional (BN), especially Umno, did not direct, plan or had any knowledge of the attacks.
Most importantly, Umno leaders stress that they did not incite Muslims organisations to hold demonstrations against the use of Allah by non-Muslims.
The popular and not entirely unsubstantiated view among non-Muslims and some Muslims varies between Umno creating the issue in the first place (an Umno minister had banned the Herald from using Allah in its Bahasa Malaysia section), to inciting the protests, to the party not doing enough to calm things down and thus preventing the church attacks.
It is not that absurd a view if one studies the background of the groups who protested and the events leading up to it.
This is what had BN leaders such as Ministers in the Prime Minister's Department Datuk Seri Idris Jala and Tan Sri Dr Koh Tsu Koon visiting Christian groups and meeting pastors.
Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak has also visited and pledged RM500,000 in aid for the partially gutted Metro Tabernacle church in Desa Melawati, Kuala Lumpur.
Najib and other ministers visit the Metro Tabernacle in Desa Melawati which was the target of arsonists.
But in the perception-rules reality of Malaysian politics, BN still stands to lose much support from the urban electorate, say non-Muslims interviewed.
Yet what has not been considered is how far this issue has rankled ordinary Muslims — the thousands who did not join the protests but who put their names on petitions and joined web groups fighting for the same thing as the demonstrators.
Or the fact that the demonstrations included groups that do not traditionally support Umno.
In other words, if Umno and BN lose the support of Christians and non-Muslims, can parties who allow Allah to be used by non-Muslims, such as Parti Keadilan Rakyat and PAS, lose the support of Muslims?
Beyond these questions of political gain and loss, however, is how this issue, according to an academic, has cut deep to the elemental foundations of Malaysian society.
Church volunteer R. Williams (not his real name) started fearing the worst when he read on Thursday Najib saying that the government did not have the power to stop demonstrations against the use of Allah by non-Muslims.
“This was like a green light,” he says, adding that the next day, he almost came to tears when the three churches were torched.
“Then the next day he goes and says he will catch the culprits. What am I supposed to believe?”
Williams is not suggesting that Najib gave his approval for the protests, which took place at several mosques after Friday prayers, or that the Umno president condoned the church attacks.
What he and a Barisan Nasional Indian activist meant was that many believe the BN federal administration practised double standards when it came to the demonstrations.
"When it was Hindraf (in 2007), the government said ‘protests are not our culture.’ When people protested against the fall of the Perak government in early 2009, they said the same thing.
"But when it came to these (the Friday) demos, ‘Government has no power to stop...’ Why play different music?” says the BN activist who declined to reveal his name for fear of reprisal.
Almost all non-Muslims and some Muslims interviewed requested anonymity or a change of name for fear of their personal security.
The Indian activist claims that among non-Muslim BN supporters, the feeling is that the coalition will be punished at the ballot box.
“BN’s survival rests on Sabah and Sarawak, and now we are going to lose in those two states,” says the activist.
A Malay-Muslim government officer described the violence and anger by his fellow Muslims as “stupid and ridiculous.”
“Nik Aziz (Kelantan Menteri Besar Datuk Nik Abdul Nik Mat) himself explained that Allah is not exclusive to Islam. This issue has been played up for political mileage.”
Other non-Muslim BN activists, however, disagree, saying that it should be seen for what it is, a religious issue that cuts at the heart of Muslims.
“The term should just have been reserved for Muslims and Islam. Everyone knows that it’s sacred to them so why challenge it?” asks Kota Baru MCA division chief Tan Ken Ten.
St Francis Xavier parish priest Father Simon Yong (left) welcomes PAS spiritual adviser Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat when he visited the Petaling Jaya church yesterday.
Johor Baru MCA division official Michael Tay also does not buy the argument that Umno should be blamed for all that happened.
“If Umno spent so much time building up unity through 1 Malaysia and convincing people about it, do you think they would just destroy all of that work?
“Fanatics are hard to deal with for anyone. You can’t just tell them not to demonstrate because they get pent up and explode,” says Tay, who is deputy chairman of the division’s complaints bureau.
“At the end of it, we must respect Islam because this is the religion of the majority.”
Professor Dr Mansor Mohd Noor of Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia says that Peninsular Malaysia’s Malay-Muslim majority and the centrality of religion in the community is largely why the debate is so explosive.
His research for UKM’s Inter-ethnic Studies Institute shows that different Malaysian ethnic groups have different “ethnic parameters” that form the crux of their identity. And when these parameters are crossed, it sets these groups off and emotions usually trump rationality.
For Chinese Malaysians, the parameter is Mandarin. For the Indians and Malays, it is always religion. For the indigenes of Sarawak and Sabah, it is tribal identity, says Mansor.
“For Muslims in East Malaysia, the use of Allah by non-Muslims is not a problem because their identity is tied to a tribe rather than to a religion.”
In the peninsula, a Muslim is almost always automatically marked as Malay while in East Malaysia, explains Mansor, a Muslim can either be an Iban, a Kadazandusun, a Melanau or from another tribe.
“So you cannot expect a peninsula Muslim to be as tolerant as an East Malaysian Muslim when it comes to questioning aspects of Islam.
“This is why the use of Allah in Christian sermons and activities in East Malaysia is tolerated all this while by local Muslims. But when the issue comes to the peninsula, peninsula Muslims explode.”
Mansor believes for the peninsula Muslims, the political party that is seen as supposedly defending this core identity is the one that will gain their support.
Shah Alam Pas MP Khalid Samad is aware of the political risks in the party’s stand to allow non-Muslims to use Allah.
At a protest at the Selangor State mosque in his own constituency, a group of men walked all over his picture and urged him to change his stand over the issue.
The mosque committee had even set up tables at four places where Muslims could sign a petition against non-Muslims using Allah. There were constant queues at all the tables before and after prayers.
“There is a difference in understanding among Muslims. We are interested in the textual proof in the Quran and the traditions of the Prophet. It is quite clear. Unfortunately many Muslims in Malaysia are still ignorant and kept that way by the government.
“So it is for PAS to explain this. At the same time, you cannot judge a whole community just by the actions of a few.
“Yes, they seemed many (at the demonstrations) but realise also that there are many Muslims in PAS and PKR who agree with us.” said Khalid
First published: The Malaysian Insider Jan 11, 2010
Monday, February 15, 2010
This ain't no rabbit hole
The idea for it started from Alice. I can’t remember her last name but this one time furniture factory kerani proved that you can make a difference. That whatever decision the government makes, you can determine whether or not it actually gets implemented. It’s that simple and almost unbelievably true.
Her story and her successful campaign to oppose a billion-ringgit mega-incinerator in her backyard were chronicled in a film called “Alice lives here”. Watching Alice on screen is like seeing someone you know, like the kedai runcit guy down the road or the kakak next door transform into a rabble-rousing activist.
Not just any kaki demo but a social hurricane, who overnight decided that she wasn’t just going to sit by and let the government turn her kampung in Broga into Malaysia’s largest garbage dump.
Because that was the plan back in 2003. The government was going to build this monster of an incinerator because the landfills in Selangor were going to fill up in a few years. They tried putting the incinerator in Puchong. But the middle class residents put up such a fight so they had to look for another area. And that’s when they chose Kampung Broga. Probably because it was in a remote part of Semenyih and maybe because they thought them orang kampung could easily be appeased.
But no one reckoned on Alice. Which is why the incinerator project was cancelled sometime in 2004.
That’s why the film was so powerful. It showed that you didn’t have to take shit the kerajaan was shovelling out to you sitting down. You could actually get up, throw it right back at them AND make them take back.
And the most important part about the film was that it was actually made. That there were people out there who were willing to shell out money and help make a film about a story in our collective lives that needed to be documented.
So when I saw “Alice lives here” at the 2005 (I think, please correct me if i'm wrong) Freedom Film Fest, I told myself that if I ever came a across a story like hers I would do a film on it. Because such stories need to be seen.
Her story and her successful campaign to oppose a billion-ringgit mega-incinerator in her backyard were chronicled in a film called “Alice lives here”. Watching Alice on screen is like seeing someone you know, like the kedai runcit guy down the road or the kakak next door transform into a rabble-rousing activist.
Not just any kaki demo but a social hurricane, who overnight decided that she wasn’t just going to sit by and let the government turn her kampung in Broga into Malaysia’s largest garbage dump.
Because that was the plan back in 2003. The government was going to build this monster of an incinerator because the landfills in Selangor were going to fill up in a few years. They tried putting the incinerator in Puchong. But the middle class residents put up such a fight so they had to look for another area. And that’s when they chose Kampung Broga. Probably because it was in a remote part of Semenyih and maybe because they thought them orang kampung could easily be appeased.
But no one reckoned on Alice. Which is why the incinerator project was cancelled sometime in 2004.
That’s why the film was so powerful. It showed that you didn’t have to take shit the kerajaan was shovelling out to you sitting down. You could actually get up, throw it right back at them AND make them take back.
And the most important part about the film was that it was actually made. That there were people out there who were willing to shell out money and help make a film about a story in our collective lives that needed to be documented.
So when I saw “Alice lives here” at the 2005 (I think, please correct me if i'm wrong) Freedom Film Fest, I told myself that if I ever came a across a story like hers I would do a film on it. Because such stories need to be seen.
Saturday, February 6, 2010
The mind war for Perak
The mind war for Perak
By Sheridan Mahavera
IPOH, Feb 6 — Standing precariously on the rotting wooden floor of a kampung house, Datuk Seri Raja Ahmad Zainuddin Raja Omar stares out at what hours ago used to be the bedroom wall.
Now, the Kubu Gajah state assemblyman is staring down into the garden at the remains of that wall, which collapsed that morning. He belts out orders to a building contractor over what he wants to see done for the house owner before nightfall.
He gets assurances that something will be done so that the whole structure doesn’t collapse but what he tells owner Khalid Osman is not very heartening.
“I’m sorry but you’ll just have to find another place to stay. I can help stabilise it so it doesn’t fall apart anymore but the house has been thoroughly eaten by termites,” says Raja Ahmad Zainuddin.
The prognosis merely confirmed Khalid’s fears but for the 50-year-old, what really mattered was that his wakil rakyat took the time to come down and see what his problem is.
And in the next elections, Barisan Nasional is betting on this to be its main selling point, that BN politicians are better at resolving the everyday problems of Ali, Ah Chong and Aru than Pakatan Rakyat.
Of course bringing development and economic progress are still hallmarks of a BN administration and the Perak government under Datuk Seri Dr Zambry Abd Kadir has excelled in this.
But many BN politicians, grassroots activists and supporters say that crowing about getting RM11 billion in investments is not enough to win over rural folk.
“ADUN (state assemblymen) BN tak turun padang (did not go down to the ground),” says one long-time Umno activist in Larut on why the BN lost in the March 2008 general election.
“They became aloof and took their support for granted. Many of them don’t even live in their own constituencies and only return once in a while,” says the Umno man, who declined to be identified in criticising his party bosses.
Behrang state assemblyman Jamaluddin Mohd Radzi echoed this, claiming that Pakatan had won on “protest votes” from people disillusioned by BN’s arrogance.
“That’s why Najib (BN chairman and Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak) said that in the next election, he wants candidates who are people-friendly and who actually stay in their constituencies,” says Jamaluddin, an ex-Pakatan assemblyman who jumped ship and is now a BN-friendly independent.
Raja Ahmad Zainuddin says that the main BN approach is not to have one-off, large-scale programmes but consistent little meetings with ordinary folk to listen to grouses and help where they can.”
He thinks the “protest votes” led to an unprecedented loss in support for seasoned Umno politicians like him in seats where they had previously scored huge majorities. Raja Ahmad Zainuddin, for instance, won the Kubu Gajah seat by only 66 votes, down from the over 7,000 votes he garnered when he won the Larut parliamentary seat in 2004.
“People just wanted to teach us a lesson. They didn’t really expect that it would lead the BN to lose Perak. They are not Pakatan supporters per se and I think next time around, they will come back to us.”
And he claims to have really taken the lesson to heart. The former Commercial Vehicle Licensing Board chairman now visits his constituency’s service centre everyday.
He makes it a point to know his constituents’ latest problems and pays regular visits to the poor, the infirm and to the old.
“Even if it’s only for five minutes I turun (come down) every day. I help out everyone, be it a BN supporter or Pakatan. And I help all races,” he says.
For the folks in kampungs that are cut-off from mainstream society, such regular meet-greet-and-listen contacts go a long way to making them feel valued.
And that was proven in 2008 because that was essentially Pakatan’s approach.
“Many of my neighbours voted for Pakatan last time because orang BN didn’t come down to see them. But now, we are seeing more Umno people here in the village, so maybe next time, things will be different,” says a village official in Selama.
“Teaching Malays how to think”
There was no laughing in the ceramah crowd in Taman Meru, Jelapang when PAS’ Dr Khairuddin Abdul Malik took the stand.
It wasn’t a side-splitting speech filled with folksy humour common in a PAS ceramah. Instead the Perak PAS deputy commissioner gave a slide presentation so caustic that he had to apologise several times if his points were harsh.
The theme of his talk centred on the view that the Perak Pakatan government under Datuk Seri Nizar Jamaluddin was pro-Chinese at the expense of the Malays.
This perception is being spread by Umno in Perak’s Malay heartlands of Larut, Bagan Datok, Parit, Pengkalan Hulu and Kuala Kangsar. PAS grassroots activists are worried that it is steadily converting Malays who voted Pakatan in 2008 back to Umno and the BN.
“I want my government to give opportunities for Malays to do business,” says a stall owner in Bukit Gantang, when asked what he wanted from the state administration.
If left unchallenged, this perception could blunt attempts by Pakatan to boast of its achievements during its 10-month term to Malays. These initiatives could be re-spun to seem like they only benefited one community.
To counter this perception, Khairuddin explained how Pakatan’s programmes benefited proportionately more Malays compared to other groups because the aim was to help the poor regardless of race.
“In the Malay community, eight per cent of all Malays are poor while Indians are two per cent and the Chinese are 0.8 per cent. So when we do programmes for the poor, of course Malays would benefit the most.
“Umno says we only give land titles to Chinese villagers. In reality we have given more titles to Malay villages but Umno does not talk about this.”
He doesn’t just blast Umno and BN. The main aim is to erase the deeply-grafted assumption in the Malay mind that only Umno can truly represent and look after the community.
It is also to refute the allegation that PAS’s partner DAP was the “Communist, anti-Malay Chinese” while MCA represented the “good Chinese.”
“Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng gave twice the amount of funds that Umno gave for the development of Islam in Penang. He even formed a Syura Council to discuss Islamic issues. Ask yourselves, is this what a communist government would do?,” Khairuddin asked the crowd.
A former senior civil servant says the perception is entrenched in the Malay psyche largely because of 50 years of communal politics.
“Malays generally don’t think far enough when they look at policy. For example, when the government cuts subsidies for boarding schools. They don’t see that it affects mostly Malay students because they are the largest group in these schools.
“And when non-Malays get a few land titles, they over-react.”
The Pakatan strategy is not just about a regular ceramah circuit to keep the memory of them and their downfall alive among the rakyat.
A DAP official explained that the parties are increasing their new voter-registration drives in all constituencies by having mini-contests that reward agents who register the most.
The three parties are also intensifying recruitment drives where they want to increase members in every area by 30 per cent, says Khairuddin.
It is going to be a battle of values in the war for political control of Perak, opined a long-time Ipoh-based Parti Keadilan Rakyat activist.
Since Pakatan and BN have chalked up their own noteworthy accomplishments whether it is helping the poor, resolving land issues or bringing in development, choosing between BN and Pakatan is no longer a choice between who has the better track record and whose ideals are better.
For the first time in their lives, Perak folk will be able to truly compare between two different ways of governance and the values that underline their policies.
Whether it is Pakatan or the BN, the ceramah and the small group meeting are tools that Perak folk will see more often as both coalitions try to sell them their values.
First published Feb 6, 2010 The Malaysian Insider http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/index.php/malaysia/52169-the-mind-war-for-perak-
By Sheridan Mahavera
IPOH, Feb 6 — Standing precariously on the rotting wooden floor of a kampung house, Datuk Seri Raja Ahmad Zainuddin Raja Omar stares out at what hours ago used to be the bedroom wall.
Now, the Kubu Gajah state assemblyman is staring down into the garden at the remains of that wall, which collapsed that morning. He belts out orders to a building contractor over what he wants to see done for the house owner before nightfall.
He gets assurances that something will be done so that the whole structure doesn’t collapse but what he tells owner Khalid Osman is not very heartening.
“I’m sorry but you’ll just have to find another place to stay. I can help stabilise it so it doesn’t fall apart anymore but the house has been thoroughly eaten by termites,” says Raja Ahmad Zainuddin.
The prognosis merely confirmed Khalid’s fears but for the 50-year-old, what really mattered was that his wakil rakyat took the time to come down and see what his problem is.
And in the next elections, Barisan Nasional is betting on this to be its main selling point, that BN politicians are better at resolving the everyday problems of Ali, Ah Chong and Aru than Pakatan Rakyat.
Of course bringing development and economic progress are still hallmarks of a BN administration and the Perak government under Datuk Seri Dr Zambry Abd Kadir has excelled in this.
But many BN politicians, grassroots activists and supporters say that crowing about getting RM11 billion in investments is not enough to win over rural folk.
“ADUN (state assemblymen) BN tak turun padang (did not go down to the ground),” says one long-time Umno activist in Larut on why the BN lost in the March 2008 general election.
“They became aloof and took their support for granted. Many of them don’t even live in their own constituencies and only return once in a while,” says the Umno man, who declined to be identified in criticising his party bosses.
Behrang state assemblyman Jamaluddin Mohd Radzi echoed this, claiming that Pakatan had won on “protest votes” from people disillusioned by BN’s arrogance.
“That’s why Najib (BN chairman and Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak) said that in the next election, he wants candidates who are people-friendly and who actually stay in their constituencies,” says Jamaluddin, an ex-Pakatan assemblyman who jumped ship and is now a BN-friendly independent.
Raja Ahmad Zainuddin says that the main BN approach is not to have one-off, large-scale programmes but consistent little meetings with ordinary folk to listen to grouses and help where they can.”
He thinks the “protest votes” led to an unprecedented loss in support for seasoned Umno politicians like him in seats where they had previously scored huge majorities. Raja Ahmad Zainuddin, for instance, won the Kubu Gajah seat by only 66 votes, down from the over 7,000 votes he garnered when he won the Larut parliamentary seat in 2004.
“People just wanted to teach us a lesson. They didn’t really expect that it would lead the BN to lose Perak. They are not Pakatan supporters per se and I think next time around, they will come back to us.”
And he claims to have really taken the lesson to heart. The former Commercial Vehicle Licensing Board chairman now visits his constituency’s service centre everyday.
He makes it a point to know his constituents’ latest problems and pays regular visits to the poor, the infirm and to the old.
“Even if it’s only for five minutes I turun (come down) every day. I help out everyone, be it a BN supporter or Pakatan. And I help all races,” he says.
For the folks in kampungs that are cut-off from mainstream society, such regular meet-greet-and-listen contacts go a long way to making them feel valued.
And that was proven in 2008 because that was essentially Pakatan’s approach.
“Many of my neighbours voted for Pakatan last time because orang BN didn’t come down to see them. But now, we are seeing more Umno people here in the village, so maybe next time, things will be different,” says a village official in Selama.
“Teaching Malays how to think”
There was no laughing in the ceramah crowd in Taman Meru, Jelapang when PAS’ Dr Khairuddin Abdul Malik took the stand.
It wasn’t a side-splitting speech filled with folksy humour common in a PAS ceramah. Instead the Perak PAS deputy commissioner gave a slide presentation so caustic that he had to apologise several times if his points were harsh.
The theme of his talk centred on the view that the Perak Pakatan government under Datuk Seri Nizar Jamaluddin was pro-Chinese at the expense of the Malays.
This perception is being spread by Umno in Perak’s Malay heartlands of Larut, Bagan Datok, Parit, Pengkalan Hulu and Kuala Kangsar. PAS grassroots activists are worried that it is steadily converting Malays who voted Pakatan in 2008 back to Umno and the BN.
“I want my government to give opportunities for Malays to do business,” says a stall owner in Bukit Gantang, when asked what he wanted from the state administration.
If left unchallenged, this perception could blunt attempts by Pakatan to boast of its achievements during its 10-month term to Malays. These initiatives could be re-spun to seem like they only benefited one community.
To counter this perception, Khairuddin explained how Pakatan’s programmes benefited proportionately more Malays compared to other groups because the aim was to help the poor regardless of race.
“In the Malay community, eight per cent of all Malays are poor while Indians are two per cent and the Chinese are 0.8 per cent. So when we do programmes for the poor, of course Malays would benefit the most.
“Umno says we only give land titles to Chinese villagers. In reality we have given more titles to Malay villages but Umno does not talk about this.”
He doesn’t just blast Umno and BN. The main aim is to erase the deeply-grafted assumption in the Malay mind that only Umno can truly represent and look after the community.
It is also to refute the allegation that PAS’s partner DAP was the “Communist, anti-Malay Chinese” while MCA represented the “good Chinese.”
“Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng gave twice the amount of funds that Umno gave for the development of Islam in Penang. He even formed a Syura Council to discuss Islamic issues. Ask yourselves, is this what a communist government would do?,” Khairuddin asked the crowd.
A former senior civil servant says the perception is entrenched in the Malay psyche largely because of 50 years of communal politics.
“Malays generally don’t think far enough when they look at policy. For example, when the government cuts subsidies for boarding schools. They don’t see that it affects mostly Malay students because they are the largest group in these schools.
“And when non-Malays get a few land titles, they over-react.”
The Pakatan strategy is not just about a regular ceramah circuit to keep the memory of them and their downfall alive among the rakyat.
A DAP official explained that the parties are increasing their new voter-registration drives in all constituencies by having mini-contests that reward agents who register the most.
The three parties are also intensifying recruitment drives where they want to increase members in every area by 30 per cent, says Khairuddin.
It is going to be a battle of values in the war for political control of Perak, opined a long-time Ipoh-based Parti Keadilan Rakyat activist.
Since Pakatan and BN have chalked up their own noteworthy accomplishments whether it is helping the poor, resolving land issues or bringing in development, choosing between BN and Pakatan is no longer a choice between who has the better track record and whose ideals are better.
For the first time in their lives, Perak folk will be able to truly compare between two different ways of governance and the values that underline their policies.
Whether it is Pakatan or the BN, the ceramah and the small group meeting are tools that Perak folk will see more often as both coalitions try to sell them their values.
First published Feb 6, 2010 The Malaysian Insider http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/index.php/malaysia/52169-the-mind-war-for-perak-
Pakatan could win Perak again, but…
This particular story seriously pushed the boundaries as to what a "hard" story should be. The assignment was: get 100 people from all over Perak to take a straw poll in three days. Tabulate the results and write about it. What is usually forgotten is the fact that you have to approach 200 people to get 100 of them to AGREE to have their views canvassed. The other hard part is convincing people you are not from the Government, the Special Branch and that they won't get ISA'd if they say something critical. The link http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/index.php/malaysia/52155-pakatan-could-win-perak-again-but contains graphics of the full results.
By Sheridan Mahavera and Choo Choy May
IPOH, Feb 6 — Though it has been a year since the elected Perak government was brought down by defections, a Malaysian Insider straw poll showed that Perak folk “tak mudah lupa”.
Many still remember the previous Pakatan Rakyat government and the changes it brought to the state. But this is not an endorsement of the Datuk Seri Nizar Jamaluddin’s eventful but short-lived 10-month administration.
The poll showed that just as Pakatan’s contributions were fondly remembered by some, others felt left out by those same programmes.
The poll, which surveyed 101 residents from districts in northern and southern Perak, indicated that although the men on the street may not keep abreast of the latest developments in local politics, they are pretty sure of their political allegiances.
In other words, if there were state polls tomorrow, more than two-thirds of respondents have already made up their minds which coalition they would choose.
In fact, going by the poll’s results, 42 out of 101 people would choose Pakatan while 34 would choose the BN.
In terms of popularity, Nizar is slightly better regarded than his rival Datuk Seri Zambry Abdul Kadir who is the present Mentri Besar. Forty-three respondents thought he would make a better chief executive while 32 thought Zambry was better.
On the surface, these numbers are a rough gauge of what Perak folk think of both administrations but beneath that lies something more fundamentally important — that Perak society is deeply fractured.
It is not just differences between the three dominant ethnic groups in terms of who they are more likely to vote. It is about how each community perceives the other and the values of each group.
One year on and still going strong
The 101 respondents were asked six questions to get a sense of what they thought of the current political climate.
The Malaysian Insider surveyed the opinions of 46 Malays, 35 Chinese and 20 Indians in rural areas in Larut, Bukit Gantang and Kuala Sepetang, the semi-rural towns of Teluk Intan and Kampar, and around Ipoh city.
They were aged between the early 20s to the late 70s and comprised, among others, farmers, fishermen, small businessmen, civil servants and professionals.
The most obvious trend that emerged and which has been hinted at before by politicians is the difference in support of Pakatan and BN among the communities.
Support for the BN was highest among the Malays with close to half (21) of those surveyed saying they would vote BN if an election was held tomorrow, versus 15 who would vote Pakatan.
Conversely, 20 of the 35 Chinese polled said they would choose Pakatan and of the remaining 15, only four would choose the BN.
Indian support is narrowly split with nine of those surveyed saying they would vote BN and seven for Pakatan.
This pattern is repeated in how favourably each group views the two coalitions. Nineteen Malays had positive feelings about the BN administration under Zambry compared to nine Indians and only nine Chinese.
Yet, among Malays, 26 of them did not think that their lives have generally improved under BN. The main reason given for this was because Zambry’s administration has only been in office for a year.
About a quarter of the Indians, Chinese and Malays interviewed say they saw no changes under either administrations because their terms were too short.
Pakatan’s contributions, however, were well remembered by all. In fact there were more people who remembered their initiatives (54) than there were those who thought that BN had changed things for the better (37).
Yet there is an unpleasant truth to this. Though 25 Malays say they remembered Pakatan’s contributions, about 10 of them felt that the programmes were unfair to the community.
“What about us Malays?”
“Yes, I remember what Pakatan did. They let the Chinese rule Perak,” remarked one Malay respondent from northern Perak. This sentiment was echoed in other interviews with many other Malay respondents.
The views ranged from grouses about how too many Chinese villages were getting freehold titles to how preferential treatment was given to Chinese businesses in the Kinta Valley.
The sentiment has its roots in the popular and not unfounded perception that the state was run by an unofficial triumvirate that included Nizar and executive council members Datuk Ngeh Koo Ham and Nga Kor Ming.
Other respondents based their belief that it was a pro-Chinese administration based on the fact that seven of the 10 state executive committee posts went to non-Malays.
Malays who say they would vote for Pakatan also admitted to subscribing to the notion though they claimed it did not affect their support for the coalition.
A veteran Pakatan activist says these perceptions persist because the coalition itself has failed to dispel them.
The reality is that under Pakatan, Malay villages also received offers for freehold titles while the community benefited much from grants given to Perak university students and aid for funeral expenses.
These benefits, however, were never highlighted by the Bahasa Malaysia media who instead kept playing up the issue of freehold titles for Chinese villages, says the activist who requested anonymity.
“There is a drop in Malay support for Pakatan ever since the March 2008 elections. I would not be surprised that support has eroded further.”
The finding suggests that Pakatan faces a greater challenge than just winning enough seats to form the government in the next state election, as the survey shows it still has support.
Yet this is not enough to endear it to a large section of Perak Malays. The community’s support is crucial if Pakatan truly wants to realise its “new” politics of transparency and meritocracy for all.
First published: FEb 6, 2010 The Malaysian Insider http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/index.php/malaysia/52155-pakatan-could-win-perak-again-but
By Sheridan Mahavera and Choo Choy May
IPOH, Feb 6 — Though it has been a year since the elected Perak government was brought down by defections, a Malaysian Insider straw poll showed that Perak folk “tak mudah lupa”.
Many still remember the previous Pakatan Rakyat government and the changes it brought to the state. But this is not an endorsement of the Datuk Seri Nizar Jamaluddin’s eventful but short-lived 10-month administration.
The poll showed that just as Pakatan’s contributions were fondly remembered by some, others felt left out by those same programmes.
The poll, which surveyed 101 residents from districts in northern and southern Perak, indicated that although the men on the street may not keep abreast of the latest developments in local politics, they are pretty sure of their political allegiances.
In other words, if there were state polls tomorrow, more than two-thirds of respondents have already made up their minds which coalition they would choose.
In fact, going by the poll’s results, 42 out of 101 people would choose Pakatan while 34 would choose the BN.
In terms of popularity, Nizar is slightly better regarded than his rival Datuk Seri Zambry Abdul Kadir who is the present Mentri Besar. Forty-three respondents thought he would make a better chief executive while 32 thought Zambry was better.
On the surface, these numbers are a rough gauge of what Perak folk think of both administrations but beneath that lies something more fundamentally important — that Perak society is deeply fractured.
It is not just differences between the three dominant ethnic groups in terms of who they are more likely to vote. It is about how each community perceives the other and the values of each group.
One year on and still going strong
The 101 respondents were asked six questions to get a sense of what they thought of the current political climate.
The Malaysian Insider surveyed the opinions of 46 Malays, 35 Chinese and 20 Indians in rural areas in Larut, Bukit Gantang and Kuala Sepetang, the semi-rural towns of Teluk Intan and Kampar, and around Ipoh city.
They were aged between the early 20s to the late 70s and comprised, among others, farmers, fishermen, small businessmen, civil servants and professionals.
The most obvious trend that emerged and which has been hinted at before by politicians is the difference in support of Pakatan and BN among the communities.
Support for the BN was highest among the Malays with close to half (21) of those surveyed saying they would vote BN if an election was held tomorrow, versus 15 who would vote Pakatan.
Conversely, 20 of the 35 Chinese polled said they would choose Pakatan and of the remaining 15, only four would choose the BN.
Indian support is narrowly split with nine of those surveyed saying they would vote BN and seven for Pakatan.
This pattern is repeated in how favourably each group views the two coalitions. Nineteen Malays had positive feelings about the BN administration under Zambry compared to nine Indians and only nine Chinese.
Yet, among Malays, 26 of them did not think that their lives have generally improved under BN. The main reason given for this was because Zambry’s administration has only been in office for a year.
About a quarter of the Indians, Chinese and Malays interviewed say they saw no changes under either administrations because their terms were too short.
Pakatan’s contributions, however, were well remembered by all. In fact there were more people who remembered their initiatives (54) than there were those who thought that BN had changed things for the better (37).
Yet there is an unpleasant truth to this. Though 25 Malays say they remembered Pakatan’s contributions, about 10 of them felt that the programmes were unfair to the community.
“What about us Malays?”
“Yes, I remember what Pakatan did. They let the Chinese rule Perak,” remarked one Malay respondent from northern Perak. This sentiment was echoed in other interviews with many other Malay respondents.
The views ranged from grouses about how too many Chinese villages were getting freehold titles to how preferential treatment was given to Chinese businesses in the Kinta Valley.
The sentiment has its roots in the popular and not unfounded perception that the state was run by an unofficial triumvirate that included Nizar and executive council members Datuk Ngeh Koo Ham and Nga Kor Ming.
Other respondents based their belief that it was a pro-Chinese administration based on the fact that seven of the 10 state executive committee posts went to non-Malays.
Malays who say they would vote for Pakatan also admitted to subscribing to the notion though they claimed it did not affect their support for the coalition.
A veteran Pakatan activist says these perceptions persist because the coalition itself has failed to dispel them.
The reality is that under Pakatan, Malay villages also received offers for freehold titles while the community benefited much from grants given to Perak university students and aid for funeral expenses.
These benefits, however, were never highlighted by the Bahasa Malaysia media who instead kept playing up the issue of freehold titles for Chinese villages, says the activist who requested anonymity.
“There is a drop in Malay support for Pakatan ever since the March 2008 elections. I would not be surprised that support has eroded further.”
The finding suggests that Pakatan faces a greater challenge than just winning enough seats to form the government in the next state election, as the survey shows it still has support.
Yet this is not enough to endear it to a large section of Perak Malays. The community’s support is crucial if Pakatan truly wants to realise its “new” politics of transparency and meritocracy for all.
First published: FEb 6, 2010 The Malaysian Insider http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/index.php/malaysia/52155-pakatan-could-win-perak-again-but
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